Making Christianity Our National Religion Would Be Terrible For Christianity
On Tuesday Public Policy Polling released a survey measuring Republicans attitudes toward the upcoming presidential election. The survey assessed Republicans opinions of various candidates and political figures, along with their positions on a few policy issues. One of the more curious policy questions presented to respondents was whether or not Christianity should be established as Americas national religion.
A 57 percent majority of Republicans surveyed agreed that Christianity should, in fact, be established as the United States national religion. Broken down into different subsets, the numbers differed somewhat. Younger Republicans in the 18 45 age group were more favorable to the idea, with 63 percent of that cohort affirming that Christianity should be our national faith. Majorities of the older age groups still agreed, but in slightly smaller proportions. Among self-proclaimed Tea Partiers, 58 percent wished to establish Christianity as a state faith; and among those favoring former Arkansas Governor Mike Huckabee in the Republican primary, 94 percent would support such a measure. Eighty-three percent of Rick Perry fans replied that they would prefer Christianity be made our national religion, along with 62 percent of Rand Paul advocates.
Religion: Pietistic Republicans Versus Liturgical Democrats
Religious lines were sharply drawn. Methodists, Congregationalists, Presbyterians, Scandinavian Lutherans and other pietists in the North were tightly linked to the Republicans. In sharp contrast, liturgical groups, especially the Catholics, Episcopalians, and German Lutherans, looked to the Democratic Party for protection from pietistic moralism, especially prohibition. While both parties cut across economic class structures, the Democrats were supported more heavily by its lower tiers.
Cultural issues, especially prohibition and foreign language schools, became important because of the sharp religious divisions in the electorate. In the North, about 50% of the voters were pietistic Protestants who believed the government should be used to reduce social sins, such as drinking. Liturgical churches constituted over a quarter of the vote and wanted the government to stay out of personal morality issues. Prohibition debates and referendums heated up politics in most states over a period of decades, and national prohibition was finally passed in 1918 , serving as a major issue between the wet Democrats and the dry Republicans.
|Voting Behavior by Religion, Northern USA Late 19th century|
- The Third Electoral System 1853-1892 p. 182
Religion May Not Rule Democrats Vote Choice
If there remains an obvious opportunity for some version of the religious left to emerge, it would be among black and Hispanic4 Democratic primary voters, who were significantly more likely than white Democrats to say that religion is somewhat or very important in their lives in the 2016 CCES survey.
And black Protestants are already quite powerful in the party. As FiveThirtyEight editor-in-chief Nate Silver wrote earlier this year, black voters constitute about one-fifth of the Democratic electorate and have a long and deep alliance with the Democratic establishment, making them a key constituency in the primary. According to the CCES, the vast majority of black Protestants and nearly three-quarters of Hispanic Catholics voted for Hillary Clinton in 2016.
As the campaign continues, well learn more about the candidates approach to faith especially whether they prioritize outreach to religious voters in states like Iowa and South Carolina, where religion is likely to be a more important issue than in a relatively secular state like New Hampshire. But while mobilizing specific subgroups of religious Democrats will still be important, the dream of building a cohesive religious voting bloc on the left looks more distant by the year. Democrats may not have much to lose by talking about faith and values but it may not offer them much of a reward among primary voters either.
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Who Are More Religious Republicans Or Democrats
Religion has been a part of politics and campaigns since George Washington ran for the Presidency. No candidate has ever run as an atheist and many political pundits said Kennedy couldnt win the White House as a Catholic. And lets not forget Jewish candidates. None have run for President, but Joe Lieberman was the Democratic nominee for Vice-President with Al Gore. They lost.
But are the two partys rank and file different in their religious beliefs? Using the time-series surveys from the General Social Surveys , I have selected several religious beliefs, that I believe most folks would count as significant religious behaviors.
Those beliefs are pray once a day,life after death,fundamentalist,belief in God and attend religious services at least once a week. This is an arbitrary selection, and I dont know how you feel, but unless you become a monastic monk, I dont think you could get anymore religious than this. Lets start with attending services once a week as shown below.
In general, the Republicans have a significant edge on this measure, with a percent decline of weekly attendance over 44 years of only 4%. Democrats on the other hand, declined by 17% over the same time frame. Independents also declined in attendance by 12%.
In a belief of life after death, we have a slight increase among all partisans over time. Both Democrats and Independents had a consistent attitude over life after death, but at 10% lower level over recent years than Republicans.
Shifts In Attitudes By Demographic Groups
Shifts among subgroups from 2016 to 2019 appear most prominently among groups that have been most opposed to allowing religiously based service refusals of gay and lesbian people. These groups include Democrats , the religiously unaffiliated , young people ages 18-29 , Americans with postgraduate degrees , and white mainline Protestants . However, there are also notable declines in opposition among more divided groups such as Native Americans and Mormons .
Seven in ten Democrats and a majority of independents oppose religiously based refusals to serve gay and lesbian people. About four in ten Republicans oppose allowing small business owners to refuse service to gay and lesbian people based on their religious beliefs, compared to a majority who support such a policy. Opposition to religiously based service refusals has decreased slightly among Democrats and independents since 2016, when 77% of Democrats and 62% of independents opposed religiously based service refusals.
Women are likelier than men to oppose religiously based service refusals. Opposition to religiously based service refusals has declined by a similar amount among both genders since 2016 .
Younger Americans are more likely than seniors to oppose religiously based refusals to gay and lesbian people . Young people in 2019 have become less likely to oppose religiously based service refusals than in 2016 , while seniors have not undergone a major shift in opinion during that time.
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The Stark Racial And Religious Divide Between Democrats And Republicans In One Chart
The Public Religion Research Institute released a massive new survey of American religious adherence today. Among other things it contained this stunning insight into the current state of our political parties:
Today, roughly three-quarters of the Republican Party is white Christian, but fewer than one-third of the Democratic Party identifies this way.
Among Republicans, 35 percent are white evangelical Christians, 18 percent are white members of other Protestant denominations, and 16 percent are white Catholics. Among Democrats those shares are 8 percent, 11 percent and 10 percent, respectively.
Just 7 percent of Republicans are black;Protestants, Hispanic Protestants or Hispanic Catholics.;By contrast those groups comprise nearly one-third of today’s Democratic Party.
From a demographic standpoint, the modern Republican Party looks much like the America of 40 years ago in 1976, for instance, 81 percent of Americans were white and Christian. Today white Christians account for just 43 percent of the population.
President Trump, who campaigned on a platform of making America great;again, capitalized on white Americans’ anxieties about these demographic changes in 2016. In September of that year he told Pat Robertson’s Christian Broadcasting Network if we dont win this election, youll never see another Republican and youll have a whole different church structure.
What Are The Strongest Predictors Of Opposing Religiously Based Service Refusals
A logistic regression model shows the strongest independent predictors of strongly opposing religiously based service refusals, while accounting for all other variables in the model.
Notably, religious affiliation serves as the largest independent predictor of strongly opposing a policy that allows small business owners to refuse service to gay and lesbian people because of their religious beliefs. Members of almost every religious group are significantly more likely than white evangelical Protestants to oppose this policy. Members of other religious groups stand out as 3 times more likely than white evangelical Protestants to hold this view, making this the largest effect in the entire model. Unitarian Universalists , Jews , the religiously unaffiliated , Buddhists , and Orthodox Christians are all at least twice as likely as white evangelical Protestants to strongly oppose religiously based service refusals. Members of nearly all Christian subgroups are also more likely than white evangelical Protestants to oppose religiously based service refusals, but the effects are smaller than those among non-Christian religious groups .
Qanon Now As Popular In Us As Some Major Religions Poll Suggests
Fifteen percent of Americans believe that patriots may have to resort to violence to restore the countrys rightful order, the poll indicated.
As hopes fade for a bipartisan inquiry into the Capitol riot on Jan. 6, its increasingly clear that the Republican base remains in thrall to the web of untruths spun by Donald J. Trump and perhaps even more outlandish lies, beyond those of the former presidents making.
A federal judge warned in an opinion yesterday that Mr. Trumps insistence on the big lie that the November election was stolen from him still posed a serious threat. Presiding over the case of a man accused of storming Congress on Jan. 6, Judge Amy Berman Jackson of the United States District Court in Washington wrote: The steady drumbeat that inspired defendant to take up arms has not faded away. Six months later, the canard that the election was stolen is being repeated daily on major news outlets and from the corridors of power in state and federal government, not to mention in the near-daily fulminations of the former president.
But its not just the notion that the election was stolen that has caught on with the former presidents supporters. QAnon, an outlandish and ever-evolving conspiracy theory spread by some of Mr. Trumps most ardent followers, has significant traction with a segment of the public particularly Republicans and Americans who consume news from far-right sources.
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Religion And Political Affiliation
This, our fifth survey, took place six months after the House and Senate elections of 2010, in the midst of the confrontation over budget deficits, spending cuts, and tax reform. This essay begins with a demographic overview of political party alignments in 2011. The 2011 question allowed respondents to indicate if they were strong, not strong, or leaning Republican or Democratic; undecided/independent; or other. We have chosen to place those leaning either toward the Democratic or Republican Parties in their respective parties, reducing the independents to 3 percent of the total. These independents will not be included in this essay.
Overall, 57 percent of Catholics affiliate with the Democrats and 40 percent with the Republicans when those leaning toward one or the other party are included. The Democrats held a three-to-two lead before we included the leaners.
The within generation comparisons for 2011 show more Catholics affiliated with the Democrats than with the Republicans in all four generations.
Three beliefs drew minimum support as very important to Republicans and Democrats alike: the teaching authority claimed by the Vatican ; the churchs teaching opposing the death penalty ; and a celibate male clergy .
Large majorities of both Democrats and Republicans affirm their Catholic identity in phrases like Being a Catholic is a very important part of who I am.
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Rise Of Conspiracies Reveals An Evangelical Divide In The Gop
Daniel A. Cox February 12, 2021
After the 2020 presidential election, much of the conversation about the future of the Republican Party has focused on the division between those who side with Donald Trump and those whose loyalties lie with the party. However, there is an emerging fissure among Republicans on the subject of political conspiracy theories between those who identify as white evangelical Christians and those who do not. White evangelical Republicans are far more inclined to believe in claims about the Deep State, QAnon, and that antifa was responsible for the violence at the US Capitol.
Fraud in the 2020 Election
The assertion that the 2020 presidential election was rife with voter frauda claim Trump has repeated consistently without evidenceis common among white evangelical Christian Republicans. But is less widely held among other Republicans. Seventy-four percent of white evangelical Republicans say the claim that there was widespread fraud in the 2020 election is either mostly or completely accurate. In contrast, Republicans who are not evangelical are far less likely to believe this claim is accurate54 percent say it is mostly or completely accurate.
Why White Evangelical Republicans Might Embrace Conspiracies
For this analysis, self-identified Republicans and independents who report that they leaned towards the Republican Party were combined to ensure that the sample sizes for all the subgroups were sufficient.
Religion And Politics In The United States
Religion in the United States is remarkable in its high adherence level compared to other developed countries. The First Amendment to the country’s Constitution prevents the government from having any authority in religion, and guarantees the free exercise of religion. A majority of Americans report that religion plays a “very important” role in their lives, a proportion unusual among developed nations, though similar to other nations in the Americas. Many faiths have flourished in the United States, including imports spanning the country’s multicultural heritage as well as those founded within the country, and have led the United States to become the most religiously diverse country in the world.
Historically, in the 19th and early 20th centuries, the two major parties polarized along ethnic and religious grounds. In the North, most Protestants were Whigs or Republicans; most Catholics were Democrats. In the South, from the 1860s to the 1980s, most whites were Democrats and most blacks were Republicans. see Ethnocultural politics in the United States
The United States has more Christians than any other country in the world . Going forward from its foundation, the United States has been called a Protestant nation by a variety of sources.This is despite the fact that Protestants are no longer the majority in the United States .
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Democrats And Democratic Leaners
- Missionary Baptist < 1%
- Conservative Baptist Association of America< 1%
- Free Will Baptist< 1%
- General Association of Regular Baptist Churches< 1%
- Other Baptist 1%
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Shrinking Groups Tilt Toward Gop
The challenge for Democrats is that their potential gains from the growing groups are being muted by an increasing tilt toward the GOP among the groups that are shrinking, in this case whites who identify as Christian. The combined result has left the parties on something of a treadmill, as Republicans offset at least some of the demographic change that benefits Democrats with improved performance among the key groups of shrinking white voters.
Trump has accelerated the trends on both sides of that equation, consolidating the GOPs position among blue-collar, older, non-urban and evangelical whites at the price of sparking intense resistance among younger, white-collar, nonwhite and metropolitan voters.
For most of American history, white Christians represented a majority of the population; as recently as 1991, they still constituted about three-fourths of all adults, according to results in the annual General Social Survey from the National Opinion Research Center. But as America has grown more racially and religiously diverse, and more secular, white Christians fell below majority status of the population for the first time sometime between 2010 and 2012, according to the National Opinion Research Center data. White Christians compose just 41% of the adult population in the latest Pew data .